By Cynthia Richie Terrell on December 24, 2020
Here’s our list:
When Bolivia’s new Left government created a new ministry for “culture, depatriarchalization and decolonization”, with the aim to eliminate colonialism and male domination, to reverse the inequality between men and women, as well as between nationalities.
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When the Swiss Parliament finally relaxed its “antiquated” dress code that banned women from wearing dresses revealing the shoulders and arms.
When we use these terms reflexively — without giving them a second thought — it reinforces that collectively we still value men more than women.
You can see it in sports. The most visible example might be the U.S. Women’s National Soccer Team. They play more games, win more games, and have more championships than their male counterparts. Oh, and this important point: they also sell more. More tickets and more merchandise, making them a more profitable entity than the US.. Men’s National Soccer Team. Yet they earn considerably less, have smaller bonuses, and train in inferior conditions.
You can see it in movies and TV shows across the culture. There are more offerings that don’t pass what’s known as the “Bechdel Test” than things that do. And the bar of the Bechdel Test is pretty darned low: Are there two women? Do they talk to each other? Do they talk to each other about something other than men?
We routinely — and often inadvertently — privilege what boys do: in language, in sports, in culture. Which stands as a reminder that, despite generations of work for equality, the patriarchy puts its stamp on even the most mundane things that we do. But it’s not just the day-to-day things: it happens in all facets of government, too. Where the stakes are higher.
Even in our calls for smaller government, we deem the police and military to be the “good” functions of government; we talk about them as “protectors” — a word that is coded masculine. Meanwhile, whenever we raise the possibility of state-supported affordable health care, it is derided as “the nanny state.” It isn’t a coincidence that the thing we denigrate is stamped with a feminine term.
That’s played out over the last two weeks as Joint Appropriations worked the supplemental budget.
The Joint Appropriations Committee has 12 men and 0 women right now, a clear indicator of who leadership thinks should be making decisions about the state’s money. (The newly reconstituted Appropriations Committee for the Wyoming 66th will adjust that ratio to 11 men and 1 woman. Meanwhile, the 66th’s Labor, Health & Social Services Committee will have seven men and seven women — proving parity is possible.)
All policy reflects the people we elect; it happens in the budgeting process, too. While there is a lot at stake for everyone and no department was spared in the latest round of budget cuts, discussions about where to cut — and sometimes where to restore — still reflected gendered assumptions.
A conversation with Debbie Walsh, Director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University; Tracy Sturdivant, President and CEO of The League; and Erin Vilardi, Founder and CEO of Vote Run Lead
When government becomes more representative, it becomes more responsive. So, in September, ahead of a historic U.S. election, I spoke with Debbie Walsh, Tracy Sturdivant, and Erin Vilardi about their work to get more women into public office.
Debbie set the stage by diving into the data about the women running in 2020. In the 2018 election, women candidates shattered records. Many wondered whether momentum would continue. Debbie’s verdict: Yes, women were again setting records, but there is much more to be done to reach parity. For one thing, women made up less than 30% of the candidates running for Congress in the 2020 elections.
Women made up less than 30% of the candidates running for Congress in the 2020 elections.
Tracy described The League’s use of pop culture to inspire historically excluded communities to engage in the political process. (Connecting politics to culture is important, she says, because “While politics are where people are some of the time, culture is where people are all of the time.”) She is especially focused on reaching women of color to assure them their vote matters and ultimately inspire them to become activists, organizers, and candidates.
As CEO of VoteRunLead, Erin recruits and trains women to run for public office. Erin talked about her candidates’ experience campaigning through a pandemic and described VoteRunLead’s efforts to help candidates spotlight racial justice issues. We also had an interesting conversation about the importance of recruiting women to run for state legislatures—for reasons including the fact it’s a key pipeline to higher office.
Weeks later, as I watched Kamala Harris’ first speech as vice president-elect, I thought back to this conversation. I love seeing women candidates making history. I love meeting the women behind those women, too.
These are all charges Democrats have leveled against President Donald Trump as he’s challenged the results of the election that will force him from office. They’re all also accusations Democrats have hurled at one another in New York City over the past few weeks, in a bitter fight over how the city’s voters will choose a successor to Mayor Bill de Blasio next year.
A year ago, New Yorkers approved a referendum to use ranked-choice voting for the municipal elections in 2021. It was not a close vote: Ranked-choice voting won by a nearly three-to-one margin, making the Big Apple by far the nation’s most populous jurisdiction to adopt a system that allows voters to list candidates in order of preference rather than just choose one. New York would join Maine and the cities of San Francisco, Oakland, and Minneapolis, among others, in moving to ranked-choice voting. Citizens in Alaska voted last month to approve the format as part of a package of political reforms.
Just two months before the system’s initial test run, however, a group of Democrats opposed to the format—including the majority leader of the New York City Council and the leaders of its Black, Latino, and Asian Caucus—sued to halt the introduction of ranked-choice voting. They drew backing from a prominent mayoral contender, Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams, in arguing that a city that struggles to administer elections in the best of times was unprepared to educate voters on a complicated new system in the middle of a pandemic.
Supporters of ranked-choice voting see the push to stall its implementation as a thinly disguised attempt by members of the Democratic establishment to thwart a reform that would threaten their grip on power by further opening up New York City’s machine politics to newcomers. It’s particularly galling, they say, given that the city’s electorate endorsed the change so overwhelmingly a year ago. And supporters of ranked-choice voting say that by filing Hail Mary lawsuits and sowing confusion about how the election will be run, opponents of the system are resorting to “Trumpian tactics” to delay, or deny, the will of New York voters.
“You can't make this stuff up,” says Bertha Lewis, a longtime community organizer and the president of the Black Institute, a Brooklyn-based think tank. “It's unbelievable that this quote-unquote progressive city is doing the same thing. How dare you try to overturn what voters have done in a democratic election?”
There was no more talk of play-acting once the very real and solid contents of the basket had been tumbled out on the table. Under the generalship of Rat, everybody was set to do something or to fetch something. In a very few minutes supper was ready, and Mole, as he took the head of the table in a sort of a dream, saw a lately barren board set thick with savoury comforts; saw his little friends' faces brighten and beam as they fell to without delay; and then let himself loose—for he was famished indeed—on the provender so magically provided, thinking what a happy home-coming this had turned out, after all. As they ate, they talked of old times, and the field-mice gave him the local gossip up to date, and answered as well as they could the hundred questions he had to ask them. The Rat said little or nothing, only taking care that each guest had what he wanted, and plenty of it, and that Mole had no trouble or anxiety about anything.
They clattered off at last, very grateful and showering wishes of the season, with their jacket pockets stuffed with remembrances for the small brothers and sisters at home. When the door had closed on the last of them and the chink of the lanterns had died away, Mole and Rat kicked the fire up, drew their chairs in, brewed themselves a last nightcap of mulled ale, and discussed the events of the long day. At last the Rat, with a tremendous yawn, said, 'Mole, old chap, I'm ready to drop. Sleepy is simply not the word. That your own bunk over on that side? Very well, then, I'll take this. What a ripping little house this is! Everything so handy!'
He clambered into his bunk and rolled himself well up in the blankets, and slumber gathered him forthwith, as a swathe of barley is folded into the arms of the reaping machine.
The weary Mole also was glad to turn in without delay, and soon had his head on his pillow, in great joy and contentment. But ere he closed his eyes he let them wander round his old room, mellow in the glow of the firelight that played or rested on familiar and friendly things which had long been unconsciously a part of him, and now smilingly received him back, without rancour. He was now in just the frame of mind that the tactful Rat had quietly worked to bring about in him. He saw clearly how plain and simple—how narrow, even—it all was; but clearly, too, how much it all meant to him, and the special value of some such anchorage in one's existence. He did not at all want to abandon the new life and its splendid spaces, to turn his back on sun and air and all they offered him and creep home and stay there; the upper world was all too strong, it called to him still, even down there, and he knew he must return to the larger stage. But it was good to think he had this to come back to; this place which was all his own, these things which were so glad to see him again and could always be counted upon for the same simple welcome.